Masculinity
through Omumu Lens:
A Rereading
of Achebe’s Okonkwo in Things
Fall Apart
Chinyere
G. Okafor, PHD
Professor
of English and Women’s Studies
Department
of Women’s Studies & Religion
Wichita
State University, Wichita, Kansas. USA
On
sabbatical at
The
Department of Creative Arts (Theater)
Paper
presented at the
Faculty
of Arts Seminar, University of Lagos
May
3, 2012
Abstract
Feminist
thinking has tended to focus on the harmful
consequences of violent masculinity on women and while this paper
echoes this
view, it centers on how that trait sabotages the emotional wholeness of
men and
invariably maintains the perpetration of brutality on women and men in
patriarchal societies. The discussion is horned on Okonkwo, the main
character of
Chinua Achebe’s Things fall Apart, because
that fictional personality is often regarded as the bastion of Igbo and
African
masculinity. He, however, fails the test
of Igbo masculinity viewed through the lens of omumu
concept that is the main basis of our critical appraisal of
the character. Set in the 1850s, the novel portrays the changing
fortunes of an
Igbo community through the fate of the central figure who masks his
insecurity
with exaggerated machismo. He has a fixation on violent behavior and
derision
for womanhood, which suggest self-hatred as he denies the humane, noble
and
compassionate part of him that he equates with femaleness. His
emotional
shut-down is his tragic flaw that feeds his arrogance and gross abuse
of women
and human rights. With blind focus on aggression as the manly trait for
achievement, he loses his bearing as a traditional person and shows
disrespect
for omumu in a way that appears naïve for a lord of the
land. He beats
his wife, shoots at another wife, kills his foster son, kills his
friend’s son,
and kills himself. These actions precipitate his fall from the grace of
the
earth goddess that is the spiritual guardian and symbol of omumu.
In spite of his acquisition of wealth, his
catastrophe is unavoidable; a picture that sends warnings to
contemporary
African society driven by negative masculinity, which manifests as
corruption
and gross abuse of human rights.
Key
words
Introduction
Achebe’s
Things Fall Apart1 indicates
the existence of matrilineal and pro-matriarchal societies with
practices that
largely contradict aspects of patriarchy, but the novel is based on a
patriarchal community, namely: Umuofia that was in the process of being
controlled by the male-dominated British authority of the Victorian
era, which would
strengthen traditional African male-authority and entrench heightened
male
domination in the postcolonial society. As a system of
institutionalized
male-dominance, patriarchy enables the centering and privileging of men
as well
as the subordination of women. In many parts of the world, the
situation of women
in patriarchy has given rise to women’s movements with diverse
strategies for
ending women’s oppression generally referred to as feminism,
which connotes
sociopolitical thinking and advocacy for women’s upliftment in
terms of their
unbiased integration and equal opportunity with men in all spheres of
society,
as well as transformation of knowledge to be gender inclusive.
Waves
of feminist struggles and empowerment have created feminist awareness
that help
to expand the rights of women and their integration into the
educational,
political, governmental and other public spheres in many parts of the
world
thereby moving women towards the center of sociopolitical affairs.
These
invariably have effect on reforming ways of thinking about gender, and
rearranging
gender spaces, as well as critical thinking about gender-driven
role-sharing
and expectations. Men’s Movement and
Studies now exist in some societies with a focus on reevaluating what
it means
to be a man in the changing world; an examination that has invariably
expanded
the notion of manhood to include emotion and sentiment that were
previously taboo
to masculine men. Unlike women’s movement, men’s movement
is not about
centering men because as a body they constitute the centered although
other
hierarchies of power such as class and race mediate their individual
access to
their goals. Their positioning at the center of economic, political,
religious,
educational, military and other societal institutions gives them
latitude for
socio-political maneuvering and expression of power, but their emotion
is
largely compromised by masculine aggression that involves strangling of
emotion.
Operating
in the public sphere demands ambition, competition, and some degree of
self-centeredness, which work against deep feeling and compassion or at
least
display of them. It is hardest for men
who are not able to acquire expected norms and who exhibit some of the
traits
usually ascribed to female persons by being emotional, gentle and/or
smallish. Men’s
Studies is, therefore, a necessary response to challenges of societal
prescription and expectation of masculinity that must cope with changes
initiated through feminist struggle. It
concerns connecting with the inner man or what Messner regards as
“reclaiming
the deep masculine parts” (2000:17) and focuses on
“different ways in which
male identities are produced” (Ejikeme 2006) starting from the
family to
external input by peers and especially popular culture that Katz
regards as the
significant player in transmitting violent masculinity
(2011: 261).
Such
issues as father’s rights, male victims of rape, and masculinity
are engaged in
men’s studies, but in many parts of Africa and Nigeria, men have
automatic
right to children, rape of men is not on the table, and violent
masculinity is
hardly seen as a problem or pressing issue. This paper, however, sees
violent masculinity
as a big issue because of its consequences for femininity briefly
referred to as
traits, mannerisms, and identity that are ascribed to and expected of
women in
patriarchal societies. For the most part, these societies socialize
women to
cultivate qualities such as gentleness, cooperation, niceness, emotion,
submissiveness, beauty and other abilities that promote nurturing and
servitude,
and even though these are noble qualities, they limit women’s
aspiration. On
the other hand, males are gendered to acquire qualities such as
aggression and
toughness that support their domination of societal affairs. Many
African
feminists including this writer have referred to the complementary
nature of
masculinity and femininity that created some kind of gender harmony in
African societies
(Ezeigbo 1997: Okafor 2002; Chuku 2005:
7-8), but this paper questions the kind of harmony that often veils
gross
inequalities and abuse of society particularly women as well as men who
fit or
do not fit the expected masculine or feminine frame.
de
Beauvoir’s idea in her study of women as second sex is useful in
appreciating
the construction of gender and our notion that no one is born a man.
Men and
women are largely the same as humans, but their little biological
difference is
used to construct huge baggage of characteristics, expectations, and
roles for
males and females that are acquired through socialization and role
modeling. Women sometimes subvert the
patriarchal construction
and adopt masculine traits thereby showing that masculinity is just a
guise for
acquiring manly attributes. This is illustrated by the case of Dorothy
Tipton
who changed her appearance from that of an eighteen year old feminine
woman to
become a masculine man. She made this choice because of the advantage
that
masculinity offered in the world of jazz music in Kansas (USA) of the
nineteen thirties
(Middlebrook 1998). Superficial changes in hair-cut and concealing of
biological organs helped her to succeed as a man and leader of an
all-men jazz
band. Liberal feminist principle of equal opportunity underlies her
action and
enables us to appreciate the afore mentioned large biological
commonality
between male and female sexes. Usually explained as complementary, the
characteristics and roles tend to create problems especially when they
restrict
privileges and hamper development of any gender.
In
patriarchal communities of the Igbo, males are socialized to become men
and
masculinity is the defining factor. Uppermost in that definition is
family
headship and its attendant provision of food, shelter and security.
Boys and
men are encouraged to develop qualities such as strength, bravery and
control
that will aid their roles, but this does not imply complete lack of
other
qualities ascribed to women such as emotion and gentleness that are
important
in women’s prescribed role as nurturers and home keepers.
Discouraging
gentleness and emotion in men facilitates emotional clampdown and
alienates
empathy. Masculine and feminine gender roles may aim at complementing
each
other, but their boundaries militate against individual choices and
confine
aspirations to gendered routes. In this way, society loses important
individual
contributions that it might have had if individuals are free to follow
their
personal predilection as demonstrated in cases of professional
gender-crossing
that has given rise to men in cooking and garment-making occupations as
well as
women in engineering.
In
traditional Igbo society, the concept of chi2 which is the
spiritual
essence that connects an individual with the Ultimate Divinity is a
significant
sameness-element that can militate against gender-proscription and
facilitate
the crossing of gender and other boundaries. This has enabled Igbo
women to
achieve social and economic prowess that is also usually undercut by
patriarchal gender cropping, a kind of glass ceiling that prevents
women from idi ka nwoke (becoming like men), which
is usually used to denigrate. Igbo women
may become richer than their husbands or marry wives, but this manly
attribute
is invariably diminished by patriarchal direction. The
story of Ahebi Ugbabe of Enugwu-Ezike
community in Nsukka-Igbo area narrated by Nwando Achebe(2005: 197-215)
is an
example of a woman whose chi led her across gender and class boundaries
to
masculine higher grounds as she rose from the status of the slave-wife
of Ohe
shrine to become a chief who acquired wives, slaves, and masquerades
that were
symbols of male power. Her power was eventually curbed through her
ownership of
masquerade which was and still is a highly prized defining masculine
symbol. Her
example shows that masculine attributes can be acquired. It also helps
to
illustrate the kind of negation that can occur when an individual uses
the
acquisition of masculinity as social license to oppress others. The
issue here
is not the biological difference in-between the legs of male and female
persons, but that persons of any gender can acquire masculine
characteristics,
and that the power can be misused as she did by indulging in the same
practice
that enslaved her. In TFA,
Chinua Achebe represents Okonkwo as
a man who epitomizes the use of masculine power to lord it over others
usually
women and children.
As
constructed roles, qualities, and mannerism that the male person is
socialized
to embody and is expected to have, there is hardly an issue of
masculinity that
does not affect other genders. Thompson and Pleck distinguish between
descriptive
and sociocultural norms that respectively refer to actual traits that
individual men are perceived to have as well as attributes and
behaviors that
men should ideally have (1986). This study does not go into the
dichotomy but
looks at the interweaving of both in the emotional suppression that can
promote
excessive aggression in a man and make it possible for him to not only
be
overtly competitive but also be insensitive to the pain he causes those
that he
injures or those he dominates. Such a man is Okonkwo, the main
character of TFA, who is central in this discussion
that
concerns the consequences of negative masculinity on women but also the
dynamics
of its maintenance that harms men and the society. We shall later see
that his
suppressed emotional feeling has consequences for him, his family and
society.
Okonkwo
is important in gender and literary studies because of his elevated
place in
African studies where he is seen as the model of Igbo and African
masculinity,
but this notion is detrimental to African gender because of his
negative
masculinity. The liberal feminist theory of sameness, which favors
equal
opportunity for all genders to rights and privileges, can be used to
critique
Okonwko’s character and explore how he has been given more
privileges than
women characters and how his dominance has exacerbated the predicament
of
women. A radical centering on motherhood may seem more amenable to
criticizing the
character’s emotional shut-down and distance from mother figures
as well as his
gross undervalue of women. This study, however, favors the Igbo
critical
criterion of omumu not only because it connotes aspects of liberal,
radical and
other feminist approaches but because its lens connect with indigenous
Igbo notions
that are fundamental in engaging Okonkwo’s masculinity through a
discussion
of:
- The
importance TFA in engaging the issue of masculinity.
- The
meaning of omumu in order to see how its denigration by a character can
be catastrophic.
- How
the disparagement of omumu through exaggerated negative masculinity
contributes to the tragic end of the central character of TFA.
In
the end, we shall see that masculinity geared towards excessive
aggression and
competitiveness damages the emotional wholeness of people like Okonkwo
who
totally embrace it without question. They
can feel perverted sense of individual satisfaction by disparaging
women as
well as men who fall below their esteemed masculine expectation, but
they also
harm themselves and greatly contribute to an atmosphere of insecurity
in the
society. Thus, embracing masculinity in its negative construction is
detrimental to women and society as well as the aggressive characters
themselves. Men and society as a whole will greatly benefit from
evaluating
masculinity in order to dispense with its negative aspects while
adopting more
humane qualities like emotion and compassion.
TFA
and masculinity
Negative
masculinity or misapplication of masculinity is a big issue in TFA because of the central character,
Okonkwo, whose misguided sense of masculine power and authority leads
to
tragedy. Acquiring masculine traits like toughness, bravery and
aggression can
be helpful in certain situations but we shall see that they become
negative
when used to intimidate and hurt those that should be protected. First published in 1958, the novel is based on
a period in the history of Africa – early nineteenth century -
when European
nations were in the process of taking political control of the
continent. It is
important in the way it represents Africans as human beings with
dignity and
functioning culture thereby contradicting negative stereotypes of
Africa propagated
by misrepresentations found in European writing such as Joyce Cary's Mister
Johnson published in 1989 and Conrard’s Heart
of Darkness first published in 1899.3 It therefore has
a
significant place in anti-colonial discourse because of its provision
of the first
major countervailing fictional voice against negative stereotyping of
Africa
and Africans.
The
1950s fall within a period when popular magazines changed their
representation
of masculine images from family men to “autonomous and isolated
individuals” (Clowes
2005: 106), in a bid to influence the emerging middle class African men
on how
to become civilized. Achebe’s novel was timely in showing that
Africa knew
about civilization and manhood because it presented profiles of
Africans in a functioning
traditional African setting with criteria for education, social
maneuvering,
and achievement. The novel articulated the African perspective at the
time
(Udumukwu 1999: 318-319); a much needed one that Achebe calls “a
space I want
to stay in” (Gikandi 1991: 3).
The
novel is so popular in Nigeria and other parts of Africa and the world
that it had
over fifty translations by 2008. It is rated as the most widely read
African literature
(Random House 2001). There are various theatrical adaptations and film
versions
of the novel. Its main character, Okonkwo, is so conspicuous that his
name is
central in the title of the German edition of the novel, Okonkwo
oder das Alte Stürz. He is often used to illustrate reality,
but essentially he is an imaginative construction and although the
novel is useful
to historians, it is not history and not reality. TFA
is the most popular African text not only in literature classes
but in anthropology and sociology classes where the fictional world has
been
seen as the Igbo and African world when in reality the fictional
Umuofia
community, as earlier mentioned, can stand for an exaggerated mirror of
one
kind but not the diversity of Igbo communities. In the fiction, Achebe
reflects
the diverse cultural arrangements in Igbo communities through allusions
to
pro-gender-egalitarian communities but his focus is on the patriarchal
world of
Umuofia, which Jeyifo aptly sees as a context that enables “the
figure of
Okonkwo, and his father and son to achieve their representational
prominence”
while “Okonkwo’s mother, his
wives and
daughters recede” in significance (2003:
181). The central character is not just masculine but favors
negative
masculinity especially violence and seems impervious to the hurts he
causes.
Masculine
aggression tends to be valorized in patriarchal societies but at the
same time
acts of violence are condemned, which not only is a contradiction but
also puts
men in a double bind. The valorization makes it difficult to dissuade
youths
from a practice that is part of the traditional masculine hegemony,
which
according to Luyt’s study of masculinities in South Africa is
continually
produced and reproduced (2012: 25). The reproduction of masculinity is
not
limited to one gender. Women also play a part as they often collude
with men in
maintaining manliness as a characteristic through their use of language
to
invoke and sustain so called “commonsense knowledge about gender
categories”
(2012: 197).When mothers gender their male children to be tough and not
to cry,
they are colluding in the production of negative masculinity that can
cause
emotional harm to the child and to others.
Men, therefore, are not the only ones involved in sustaining
masculinity
even though they mostly perform it. Okonkwo is able to acquire the
masculine
traits of toughness, bravado and control that he performs and uses to
achieve
success as wrestler, farmer, and household head. This can be admirable
if it
ends in this positive outcome, but the negative spin comes from his
denial of love
and care because of their female connotation leading to his belittling
of women
in general as well as his violent actions. He portrays negative
masculinity in
his use of power to dominate, and this has consequence for his family
and
associates. He is not a good role model for many Africans who identify
with him.
Okonkwo
has been seen as "a typical Igbo man," as reported
by Londfors (Lindfors, 1991: 17), a
hero or anti-hero (Anyokwu 2009: 26), and an ideal African man.
Maduagwu’s
notion of Okonkwo’s heroism appears curious as he asserts that a
hero
“distinguishes himself from ‘other males’ then far
above the other sex” (2011: 311).
This seems to suggest an old western notion that heroism is male; an
idea that
has had some influence on African writing but recent gender and social
studies
rightly see heroism as non-gendered (Becker and Eagly 2004: 162;
Synnott 2009).
Even though women performed heroic acts
in western tradition, writers have largely linked heroism to
masculinity and
the root of this has been traced to western myths and religion (David
and
Brannon 1976), but this misrepresentation should not apply to Africa
replete
with myths and worship systems that include non-gendered, male and
female
heroes, spirits, mediums and personages. Women and men can be heroes,
if we
accept the popular usage of heroism to connote courage, risk and
nobility of
purpose (Oxford English Dictionary 2003, American heritage Dictionary
2003).
In
much of Igboland, heroism is seen as an action that any person can
perform and
it is not limited to aggressive actions as exhibited in wars but
includes noble
actions like self-less activities for the benefit of others. Women have
performed both kinds of heroism and they have been acknowledged in oral
tradition, perhaps not to the same degree as men. Women are eulogized
as heroes
in Igbo oral tradition as exemplified by the epics of Nne Mgbafo, Inyan
Olugu
and Egbele of Ohafia (Azuonye 1994: 145-152)), as well as stories of
Ihejilemebi,
Mary Ogu Nwanyi, Nne Lolo from Mbaise area narrated by the itinerant dibia Nze Etche David Ibe and analyzed
by Ezi-Nwanyi Nwoga (2002: 150-154). Just as in oral tradition, written
literature also represents heroism, but we should remember that a hero
is “more
than mere ‘protagonists’ of fictional work” (Nwoga
2002: 6). That Okonkwo is
the central character of TFA does not make him a hero.
Okonkwo
has aspiration to heroism and as we have seen, this noble venture
records
initial success as he rose from his poor background to become a
provider of food,
housing and security for his family, become a star athlete, and perform
ambassadorial functions for his community. His subsequent actions,
however,
nullify notions of his heroism or even his representation of the
standard
character because he eventually is revealed to be neither a hero nor
the
typical Igbo or African and certainly not the ideal man. A reading of
the novel
indicates that Okonkwo is admired because
of his hard work, drive and wealth just as many contemporary African
leaders,
but critical scrutiny reveals condemnation of this character by his
peers and
society that recognize his perverted masculine airs or what Holland may
call
“troubled masculinity” (2005: 1).
This
paper will argue that his vilification of omumu
is the bane of his masculinity, which is at the center of his personal
tragedy.
It constitutes a major weakness masked by arrogance that precipitates
his
downfall in a way that compares with the problem of many African
front-liners who
fail to provide good leadership in communities struggling to make
headway in encounter
with global powers. Some of them have qualities of Okonkwo and tend to
dissipate a lot of energy on display of negative masculinity by
expressing direct
and indirect violence that hurt rather than protect their people.4
It is ironical to view Okonkwo as the archetype of African manhood
because on
the contrary, he is an aberration of that ideal. O’Brien sees him
as a paradox
since he seems to esteem Igbo values and at the same time beats his
wives
(1999: 59), which is a serious contravention of omumu principle
commonly illustrated in Igbo oral literature especially satirical
songs.
In
his review of works on Achebe, Okpewho advises scholars and writers to
critique
the deeply gendered alienations that positive impressions of
Okonkwo’s
masculinity create, and points out that “Okonkwo is not a typical
Igbo man ...
it is Obierika which represents the more typical role” (2003:
44). Okpewho’s
conviction derives from his extensive field work in rural Nigerian
villages and
interviews of traditional men and women. This paper takes
Okpewho’s point to
another level by drawing inspiration from Chinua Achebe’s Home and Exile that emphasizes the need for the Other
perspective.
Based on research in Igbo villages,5 this paper uses the
traditional
Igbo concept of omumu to re-read
Okonkwo’s character and understand
how deeply aberrant he is when viewed through the precepts of omumu.
That he
died is not tragic; what is tragic is the manner of his downfall and
death that
even his spirit is denied the formal embrace of the key symbol of omumu, the earth goddess. A discussion
of omumu concept is helpful in
appreciating Okonkwo’s catastrophe.
Omumu
concept
Omumu
is coined from i mu, which is the verb “to give
birth.” It denotes birthing in its
biological sense and expands to include abstract and creative delivery.
The
concept, therefore, derives from gynecology and connects with diverse
ideas
evoked by the presence, being, sexuality, performance and function of a
female-person and motherbeing. It permeates social psychology and
inspires
human action. In terms of ideology, omumu implies regeneration and
continuity. It
is a concept of fecundity, begetting, creativity and originality. It is
evoked
by the presence of what is deemed capable of birthing, what has
birthed, and/or
what is believed to birth, and these are not limited to female bodies
but also to
men who express omumu qualities. The most common presences are girls,
women and
mothers as well as their syllogistic complement in the earth goddess
principle.
Because of the growth of crops from the earth as well as other precious
things
that spring from the ground, the earth is invested with the quality of
birthing
and, therefore, regarded as female.
Studies
of Igbo pre-partum and postpartum practices
have rightly emphasized their cultural and health significance (Anugwom
2007:
155; Onyeji 2004: 87), but it is also important to mention that these
practices
underline omumu as the most crucial concept of the society because of
its role
in continuity. Principles of continuity take precedence over gender
politics
and sexual gratification as demonstrated in omugwo
practice. Omugwo involves, among other
important functions, temporary physical separation of a new
baby’s grandmother
from her husband as she shelves her marital responsibility in order to
be with her
daughter (the new mother) during a specified period for the purpose of
caring
for the new infant and mother. Thus, the purpose is not to deprive the
older
couple of each other’s company but to ensure smooth transition of
mother and
baby to their separate selves in the society. This tradition manifests
in
different forms in other societies as among traditional Yoruba where,
according
to Le Vine (1982: 295) the new parents are required to abstain from
sexual
intimacy for a specified period; a notion that Adeokun’s study
shows is
widespread in many parts of Africa (1987). The reason for these
practices is based
on the priority of continuity.
Omumu
is significant not
only in ensuring the continuity of the society, but also in the
identity and
action of the subject that embodies omumu.
During gestation period, the prospective mother begins to refigure her
self to
include her fetal extension. After birth of the child, the mother sees
self in
terms of her primary self and its extension in her child or children.
According
to Orikeze Lucy Illo, the self of a mother includes the offspring of
her
extended household.6 A popular women’s saying anaghi amucha nwa amucha (the process of birthing or
nurturing
never ends) implies the continuity of mothering. The bond between
mother and
child is complex as the mother nurtures, suffers, enjoys and maintains
the
child endlessly. A woman’s conception of self to include her
extensions is not
peculiar to the Igbo. An interesting African example that illustrates
Illo’s
assertion mentioned above comes from an encounter between a woman whose
vision
of self includes her children and a man whose view of self is very
individualistic. The man is a freelance American photographer, Mark
Beach, visiting
Sibdou in Burkina Faso as part of Mennonite Central Committee
photographic
project. The following excerpt from Beach’s description is
illustrative of
omumu expression through the woman’s action:
I
asked that only she be in the photo. She smiled and promptly called for
her
children to stand around her. In a foolish effort to isolate Sibdou in
the
frame, I moved my camera slightly, hoping I could crop the children out
when I
printed the photograph in the darkroom. As the camera moved, Sibdou and
the
children all moved in tandem … I finally understood that a
photograph of Sibdou
meant a photograph of her family. There was no distinction. Sibdou knew
this.
She was only waiting for me to understand it as well. When I finally
did make
two images of Sibdou alone, they were lonely images (Beach 1997).
The
family’s shift to the camera frame when only the mother was
called indicates
the tacit understanding of the meaning of mother’s self by Sibdou
and her
children. The photographer’s failure to grasp the cultural
meaning of mother’s
self illustrates the clash of two ideologies of self; one based on
individual isolationism,
the other based on family connectedness. One agrees with
Nnaemeka’s view that
the photographic session failed because Beach tried to force Sibdou
into an individual
mode that is alien to her concept of self (2004: 19).
For Sibdou and many traditional African
women, self is not limited to the mother but to her kin connections
especially
her offspring. The offspring mentality bonds the children to their
mother and
motherbeing’s forebears in a continuum that joins the past,
present and future.
This link is a tremendous power house
for subjects that are connected by it including men, family, and
society. It
acts as the balm that soothes Okonkwo during his exile.
This
calls to mind new studies by African Anthropologists who theorize
matriarchy as
the primary seat of power that is not a past phenomenon but an ongoing
reality
(Amadiume 2001: 85, Diop 2000). Contrary
to earlier speculations on the transition of world societies from
matriarchy to
patriarchy, Diop (1989) argues that matriarchy was the primary
structure of
African societies because of the preponderance of female rule in
pre-Islamic
times. The matriarchal preeminence in leadership diminished with the
introduction
of patriarchal religions like Islam and Christianity as well as
Arabization and
westernization that privileged men and subordinated women. Okonjo and
Amadiume
focus on colonial and postcolonial transformations that forced female
power to
recede and in some cases be erased (Amadiume 2000, Okonjo 1976). The
imposition
on traditional African societies by Muslim, Christian and colonial
patriarchies
altered traditional patri-focal and matri-focal communities and
initiated
heightened patriarchy with its multiple jeopardy for African women in
modern
times.7 Ideas of the so called traditional male-dominance
prevalent
in contemporary thinking seems to come from postcolonial heightened
patriarchal
order but which has not completely marginalized pro-matriarchal foundation of Igbo communities. Remnants of
pro-matriarchal
prominence can be gleaned from contemporary matrilineal communities
where women
are centered in terms of lineage and control of families as well as
structures
of female assertion that persist.
Omumu
impulse of women controllers in matrilineal and pro-matriarchl
communities is sometimes
seen in their non-gendered sharing of power. Rather than take it all
and leave
all to their daughters, which would be parallel to situations of many
patriarchal systems, these women prefer a system of power-sharing with
their
sons or brothers so that no gender is completely left out. Thus omumu matrifocal concept gives women a
lot of power, but it is not a totalitarian practice that is based on
domination
for it stands on motherly benevolence. It has the power to dominate but
because
of its emotional wholeness and perception of self in terms of central
plus
extensions as already illustrated, its practice is largely driven by
generosity,
love and care rather than antagonism and dominance.
Omumu
is the most important principle in traditional Igbo and African
societies
because of its function in continuity, nurturing, birth and death rites
as well
as connection with the supreme mother, earth. The ideology influences
Chiweizu’s idea of the womb as the seat of female power used to
control men’s
access to food, sex, and continuity (Chiweizu 1990: 171). Without
naming omumu,
Chiweizu’s thesis indicates its centrality through focus on
female power and
the ab/use of that power. Engagement of the patriarchal context of that
power
would reveal women’s suppression and their endless attempts to
wiggle through
male authority. This is why Ozumba believes that Chiweizu’s
thesis seems to
nullify the feminist agenda (Ozumba 2005). Ironically, Chiweizu’s
emphasis on
female manipulation has unintentionally called attention to what he did
not say
about the predicament of women who are so marginalized that they would
resort
to domestic manipulation in order to get their way in spaces controlled
by men.
In spite of this, ideas and structures of female assertiveness as
earlier
mentioned still exist and inform feminist struggle.
One
such structure is the heath or kitchen of the mother where she nurtures
with
food, tales and customs. In a traditional family heath, the child hears
mother’s stories as s/he gets food, learns the mores and manners
that help to
shape the child’s personality. Called
usokwu in Igbo, the hearth is
the site of primary bonding with siblings from the same mother or
children
being brought up by the same parent (male or female) 8 who
is their
sociological mother. According to Nzegwu, “every usokwu
is a nodal point
of power that derives not from the spiritual ofo (authority) of
a
mother’s husband but from her own natal family” (2004). It is
not uncommon to hear a mother refer to this bond when she says nwa nke afo mu (child of my own womb);
an expression that indicates the closest bond and expectations of
conduct that
the mother has taught the child. Notwithstanding the influence of peers
and
other socializing agents, mothers still expect the child to retain the
lessons
that s/he learnt through mother’s agency. Usokwu bonding is the
most reliable
kin connection because of its basis on mothering practice. Mothering is
conceptualized
in terms of function-performance that includes creativity or what Opara
and
Eboh regard as the “palpable panegyrics of creative
mothering” (2005). They
argue that biological mothering is similar to creative mothering, which
is
artistic mothering and that both are vehicles for transcendence and
freedom. Creative
groups such as dance ensembles and mask cults create identity and
oneness by
invoking omumu through physical or abstract connection of female
essence such
as ascribing the origin of the mask cult to a mother, invoking the
mother
essence in cult inauguration, and incarnating a mother figure in
mask-form
(Okafor 1992). This idea is represented in TFA
through the oral saga that connects ancestral mask characters to omumu
essence
by ascribing their birth to the earth goddess through the notion that
mask-figures come from a hole on the earth (88).
The
concept of omumu permeates social
psychology of traditional people as expressed in the importance they
place on
girls, women, and mothers, but as Ozumba rightly observes, it is the
importance
of male heirs in families that has received a lot of scholarly
attention (2005).
Male value does not imply female devaluation. A family that has no male
child
is troubled just like the one without a female child, because of gender
role expectations
and not because one gender is better than the other. The design of
traditional
Igbo households, for example, delineates an inclusive gender that
represents male
and female ownership. According to
Nwakanma,
If
you look at the traditional architecture of the Igbo, and its spatial
imperative, it gave large latitude to both the man and the woman. It is
not
like "the master bedroom" of western architecture. In
the western model the woman, actually has
no place - the place notionally constituted for her is the "ladies
room" which is a euphemism for the toilet” (Nwakanma
2001).
The
latitude spoken of
above can be illustrated by the design of old traditional households
with separate
(but not equal) huts for the husband and his wife or wives. In
addition, a
visible symbol of omumu often in the form of shrine is usually erected
in front
of the compound. Anezi Okocha,9 a veteran healer and devotee
of Ani
(the earth spirit), explains that omumu
shrine stands for continuity because of its connection with fertility
and
birthing and that its frontline position in the compound is symbolic of
its
centrality in traditional thinking. According
to her, o bunu omumu ka anyi kwo biri
na uwa (it is because of omumu that
we are living on this earth). The
idea of art as a “recreation of reality in
accordance with metaphysical value-judgments” (Torres
and Kamhi 2000) helps us to appreciate Okocha’s
explanation of omumu as an ideological construct through which the
primacy of
woman is naturalized in the design of Igbo compound and in traditional
mentality. It is therefore incomprehensible that a person like Okonkwo
who is
nurtured in traditional society and has leadership ambitions fails to
uphold
this primacy but on the contrary undermines it through his thinking and
actions
as we shall see in the next section.
Okonkwo’s
deprecation of Omumu
Achebe
presents Okonkwo, the central character of TFA,
as a man who said yes to his Chi and
his Chi answered him. Resenting his
father’s indolence as a household head who could not achieve the
basic trait of
masculinity by providing for his family, Okonkwo relies on his personal
spirit
and drive to not only achieve the trait but also work towards the
center of political
affairs in the community. He rose from very humble beginnings as the
son of a
very poor but artistically gifted father, Unoka, whom he resented for
being
derogatorily referred to as agbala or
woman (implying non-provider in this case). In the gendered system of
the
society where femininity and masculinity define identity, to refer to a
man as
a woman can be insulting. Okonkwo’s father suffered such
indignity because he
failed to fulfill the key masculine expectation.
Unlike
his father who did not give enough attention and energy to making the
earth
productive in terms of the farm’s yield and was therefore a
disgrace to farmers
who revered the earth goddess, Okonkwo turned out to be a hard-working
farmer
like his mother and sisters who “worked hard enough” but
“grew women’s crops
like coco-yams, beans, and cassava” as tradition dictated
(22-23). That the
women did not farm yams, the prime cash crop, was not due to laziness
but to gender
engineering and economic privileging of men as the only ones allowed to
grow
yam, “the king of crops” (23). Inheriting
the hard-working gene from his mother, and benefitting from the good
example of
his female relations, Okonkwo makes good, but ironically he turns round
to
disregard the spoon that fed him by regarding laziness as female.
Okonkwo’s
resolve not to be lazy like his father is understandable, but his
disregard of
women as lazy appears incongruous and naïve given his background
with strong and
hard working female relatives.
Okonkwo
endeavors to work hard in order to achieve high status as a lord who
among
other things will at death merit befitting funeral ceremonies involving
his
first son, Nwoye. His emotional distance and aggression alienate Nwoye
who
readily welcomes Christianity thereby abandoning his ancestral ritual
position.
It is a blow on the traditional psyche of Okonkwo; a blow that can
compare with
the decamping of a Kennedy or Rockefeller to the enemy camp, and more
so if
that enemy takes over the psyche of the son and causes him to deride
important
traditional customs such as burial and rituals of remembrance that link
the
living with forebears. The missionary and colonial influence in the
affairs of
Okonkwo’s household and his society clearly contributes to the
man’s
frustration and suicide, but we shall later understand that this does
not detract
from the character’s contribution to the process of his tragedy.
Strong-Leek’s
assertion that Okonkwo’s “seeds of self-destruction”
precipitated his downfall
(2001) represents part but not the whole picture of the man’s
tragedy. His
downfall is not only caused by a complex interweave of personal and
spiritual
events that hold him culpable but historical circumstances of
colonization also
plays a part. As one of the leaders of the land, he rallies his fellow
lords to
challenge colonial and missionary authorities that are taking over the
land,
but they are jailed and have their heads shaved: actions that are
considered
abominable in the community. His failure to rally the society to war
leads to
his frustration and death by suicide, which is an abomination in the
land. One
may castigate Okonkwo for not riding with the times, for taking the
situation personally
in his hands, and for killing himself. However, a study of Umuofia
context
indicates that it was hardly feasible for a man like Okonkwo who was
rooted in
traditional expectations of manhood to give up very easily. One agrees with Whittaker and Mpalive-Hangson
who assert that it is not possible for a man like Okonkwo to ride with
the kind
of rapid colonial change depicted in the novel (2007: 3-34).
Thus,
on a corporeal level, it is possible to view Okonkwo as a victim of
circumstance, but on a spiritual level based on Igbo tradition, the
main
tragedy is in the manner of death and its consequence. Okonkwo is not
accorded
a befitting burial that merits the embrace of Ani, the earth goddess,
because
of his death by suicide that has immediate connection to colonial
presence, but
whose tragedy has a long history. It
began long before the colonial takeover of his community and is rooted
in his
denigration of omumu seen in his misuse of authority especially his
contempt
for female principles. In an attempt to prove his masculinity, he
overreaches
in his lack of emotion and violence becomes the negative trait that
shapes his
personality. First in the list of his negative qualities is arrogance
based on
his achievement as a rich farmer and titled man, which he ascribes to
his hard
work, but events indicate that even though he works hard, his wives
also work
hard and are major contributors to the family’s wealth. His
greatness owes a
lot to the shrewd running of his household by his three wives and their
input
in the farm. They and their children work the fields; get water, cook,
clean
and generally run the household. Okonkwo takes glory for the success
and goes
further to intimidate and abuse some of the women because of his
neurotic need
to demonstrate continually his narrow conception of masculinity as
fear-inspiring, intimidating, unemotional and even depraved. This is not shared by other male characters in
the novel, such as Obierika and Ezeudu, who criticize his lack of
respect for
the principle of omumu. Maduagwu rightly states that masculinity in
Okonkwo’s Umuofia
society “demands that one matures beyond the physical strong man
to the level
of self-controlling strongman” (312). Okonkwo remains at the
immature level
because of excessive self-control and lack of emotional wholeness.
He goes against the advice of the great lord of
the land, Ogbuefi Ezeudu, by killing his foster son, Ikemefuna, in
order to
prove his bravery since he is “afraid of being thought
weak” (61). He thereby
commits a crime for which “the earth goddess wipes out whole
families” (67), a
crime that is the ultimate aberration of omumu code of nurturing and
protection
of offspring. Okonkwo
and his first wife have fostered Ikemefuna and Okonkwo takes him along
to
communal meetings “like a son, carrying his stool and his
goat-skin bag” (28).
One applauds his brief expression of omumu nurturing quality through
this
loving relationship with Ikemefuna that is largely cultivated in the usokwu of Okonkwo’s wife where eating,
joking, playing, and story-telling often go on. His tint at omumu falls
short
of his desire to feed his demonstration of strength as he ends the
boy’s life
and distances himself from the favor of the earth goddess.
Okonkwo
has an uncontrollable urge to intimidate and display his anger. His
fixation on
exaggerated self-serving arrogance and display of tantrum again rears
its ugly
head during the peace week. Conflict is unavoidable in human affairs,
so
Umuofia has a sacred week dedicated to Ani when altercation is not
tolerated,
just as Christians have a holy week before Easter replete with
reconciliation
and spiritual upliftment. In Igboland, the
first recourse of a person falsely accused of lying is to ascertain his
or her
innocence by touching the earth and swearing by her as witness and
judge.
Okonkwo grew up in an Igbo community, albeit a fictional one, and
should know that
society holds Ani in high esteem and also know the repercussions for
contravening the moral codes of the sacred week.
He
angers
the earth goddess by contravening the law of amity during the peace
week as he
beats his second wife just because she cuts some leaves from a banana
tree.
This is misuse of his power as household-head. The wife has ownership
of the
tree’s bounty as much he has. It is when the same wife makes a
comment about
his being a lousy shooter that he aims his gun and shoots at her. True
to her
words and luckily for her, he misses his aim. He is relieved that he
didn’t
kill her but shows no emotion as he merely heaves a sigh and goes
“away with
the gun” (39). The beating is a felony against the earth goddess
that fully
signifies omumu. For this, he is admonished by the priest of the
goddess, “You
are not a stranger in Umuofia … the evil you have done can ruin
the whole clan.
The earth goddess whom you insulted may refuse to give us her increase,
and we
shall all perish” (30). Okonkwo pays the heavy fine imposed on
him by the
priest. He is repentant, but he maintains an arrogant exterior that
causes
people to say that he has “no respect for the gods of the
clan” and that his
good fortune has “gone to his head” (31).
It is at the funeral rites of passage of the same Ezeudu
who earlier advised Okonkwo not to have a hand in killing Ikemefuna
because he
“calls you his father” (57) that the nemesis of
Okonkwo’s action plays out. He
inadvertently kills the dead man’s son thereby committing a female ochu or manslaughter regarded as
serious transgression against the earth goddess for which he is
banished for
seven years in accordance with the laws of the goddess.
Connecting Okonkwo’s killing of Ikemefuna to
his killing of Ezeudu’a son may appear implausible, but the link
becomes
understandable when we view Okonkwo and Ezeudu as representing negative
and
positive sides respectively in regard to the two actions that offend
the
goddess. Ezeudu was the one who showed understanding of omumu
and the laws of Ani when he warned Okonkwo not to have a hand
in Ikemefuna’s death. In total disregard of the advice, Okonkwo
not only has a
hand but goes ahead to be the killer of the boy. It is where Ezeudu is
being ushered
to the bosom of Ani (the earth goddess) with music, dance, and
masquerades that
Ani indicates her rejection of Okonkwo’s hand in the sacred
ritual of Ezeudu
who respects her. Okonwo’s killing of Ezeudu’s son marks
his separation from
his friend’s family and even though accidental, it is still
an
offence against the earth goddess which spiritually casts him aside.
Okonkwo’s
denial of self also plays a role in his demise. Every individual is a
combination of diverse principles and emotions not just one, but
Okonkwo tries
to suppress noble emotions that he considers feminine such as feeling
of love,
pain and weakness, but which are natural human feelings that should aid
his
wholeness. His disdain for omumu is self-destructive because it
prevents him
from being a rounded personality and also propels his tragedy. Deep
inside,
Okonkwo is a loving man who has strong bond with Ekwefi, (his first
love who is
his second wife) and her daughter, Ezinma, but he is unable to
acknowledge this
because of his idea of love as a weak trait. Okonkwo performs an act of
love by
covering his wife’s back when she endangers herself as she trails
the priestess
and her daughter at night. Ekwefi screams when she feels the presence
of
someone else and is immediately relieved that the person is her
husband, but
Okonkwo turns what could have been an acknowledgement of love into
gender
disdain as he calls her action foolish. When he learns that Ndulue and
his
wife, Ozoemena, have one mind and that “he could not do anything
without
telling her,” his naïve reaction is to express confusion
that a strong man can
love his wife deeply.
His
naïve attitude to love and strength influences his suppression of
sublime
emotions and his obsessive demonstration of strength. It is this
obsession that
compels him to kill his foster son, Ikemefuna; an action that he tries
to
justify by arguing that it is his way of carrying out oracular wishes.
His
friend, Obierika, contradicts him by saying that if “the oracle
said that my
son should be killed, I would neither dispute it nor be the one to do
it” (67).
This paper would further add that Obierika’s success and cultural
understanding
derive from his knowledge of the importance of omumu
principle of begetting, not just in connection with the earth
goddess and motherbeing but also in connection with fathering. This
basic
understanding seems to elude Okonkwo in his fixation on demonstrating
negative
masculinity that precipitates his tragedy. Through Okonkwo’s
characterization,
Achebe warns readers about the tragic consequences of self-centered
aggrandizement, abuse of authority, and deprecation of women. These
problems
are prevalent in contemporary Nigerian and many other countries.
Conclusion
This
paper has used the notion of omumu which is an indigenous Igbo concept
of
begetting, both biological, creative and abstract, to deconstruct a
prevailing
view of Okonkwo as an ideal man whose masculinity should be emulated.
This
deconstruction is largely in tune with Chinua Achebe’s
anti-colonial view in Home and Exile on the need for
the Other
perspective or what he calls “re-storying” of dominant or
prevailing discourse.
The prevailing patriarchal view of Okonkwo as an ideal man just because
he
achieved political and economic greatness is a misconception that masks
the
negative consequences of his actions, which has motivated a feminist
reassessment of his masculinity using the lens of omumu concept of
fecundity,
begetting and creativity. The significant
place of the concept in traditional Igbo communities, its illumination
of the
fictional world of TFA and its
connection to the central character, Okonkwo, particularly his
misconstrued
masculinity are discussed.
That
the character fails to respect the principles of omumu constitutes
gross failing
that can be seen as foolish of any person especially a lord brought up
in the represented
Igbo community. Instead of embracing all the principles of his
personality like
his peers such as Ezeudu and Obierika, he chooses to deny the noble
principles
of compassion and love because of his unwavering total connection of
them with
women only. He mischievously mistakes
weakness as essentially female when his background with hard working
female
relatives and indolent father prove otherwise. Not
stopping at suppressing the principles of
omumu in him, he also disrespects women and even the syllogistic female
principle of earth. He goes too far because he continuously commits
thoughts and deeds that amount to what the
Igbo would
regard as desecration of his umbilical cord, which refers to utter
disrespect
of not only his mother, but his connection with mothers and female
principles
including Ani that holds his umbilical cord and should welcome him on
his last
journey. This discussion has shown how actions that include his
personal
disrespect of omumu deny him this traditional embrace.
Okonkwo
is arrogant, emotionally deprived, and displays negative masculinity
that is
continuously fixed on demonstration of strength, toughness and bravery
because
of his inherent weakness, inferiority complex.
This kind of personality is not regarded as heroic in Igbo
world. It is
misleading for any leader, achiever or person striving for heroism to
use
Okonkwo as inspiration. Okonkwo is not a
hero, not a representation of the typical Igbo or African man, not an
ideal
human being, and is not a good role model. Much as we may understand
and pity
him, it is not surprising that Ani rejects him.
NOTES
- To be
referred to as TFA.
- Chi
denotes the guiding essence, spirit, energy; and vector of providence
in every human being regardless of gender, class and other dichotomies
because it is the divine quintessence from God’s essence as
Chi-ukwu (Big/Great God), who as Chi-na-eke (God that creates) invests
the godly essence on humans. It performs functions that are comparable
though not analogous to the Christian guardian angel. Rev, Sister
Agbasiere critiques the notion of equating
Chi to Christian guardian angel even though she does not totally
dismiss the comparison (2000: 54), and Cardinal
Arinze describes it as the spiritual-double of divine essence that God
invests on every sentientlbeing ( 1970). It is the most powerful
personal concept and driving force with achievement, guardian, and
guiding principles. Malevolent spirits can weave misfortune, so an
individual constantly works with Chi to ensure success.
- Achebe’s
rebuttal of Conrad’s novel is delineated in “An Image of
Africa: Racism in Conrad's "Heart of Darkness," in
Hopes and Impediments: Selected Essays, 1988. New York : Anchor-Doubleday, 1990. [COCC
Library: PR9387.9.A3 H6 1990]
- Negative
masculinity has damaging consequences on others. For example, working
hard to achieve success is positive, but can become negative when
success and power are used to abuse family and people that should be
protected. Acquisition of money is necessary, but can become negative
when it undermines others and promotes misuse power such as executive
embezzlement of public money and financing of religious, ethnic and
other acts of terrorism.
- Reseach
on omumu is part of a wider research on women’s culture in
Igboland and has been going on from 1993
till present. Part of it has been used in comparing Igbo women’s
language and bopoto of the Shona (Zimbabwe) in an article on African
women’s separateness (see Okafor 2002) as well as evaluation of
omumu in TFA (2013).
- Mrs
Lucy Illo, known as Orikeze. She grew up in Ujari village of Arochukwu
in Abia State and moved to Amokwe in Enugu State (Nigeria) when she got
married. Her knowledge of omumu concept comes from her lived experience
in the two areas of Igboland as well as her association with omumu
practices through her role as mother, grandmother and
great-grandmother. Interview with Ikodiya Ochiagha was also
illuminating. About 71 in 1995, she drew from deep knowledge of omumu
concept and practices in Enugu State, where she lived before moving to
Arochukwu.
- I use
the term “heightened patriarchy” to describe the way male
dominance has exacerbated in contemporary African society resulting
largely from the imposition of several structures of male supremacy
from traditional African, Muslim, Christian and colonial backgrounds.
- Mothering
is usually associated with women even though male parents perform the
function of mothering exist, but they are uncommon.
- A
cultist and traditionalist, who also goes to church because all her
children are Christians. Interviewed in Ndiakeme, Arondizogu in 1985
when she was about 83 years old.
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